QUALITITIVE RESEARCH

Hotel employees’ expectations of QWL: A qualitative study
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The hospitality industry needs to provide a good quality of work life (QWL) in order to attract and retain employees. There is yet to be a study that defines the ‘expected dimensions of QWL’ by the potential and present hotel employees. QWL being multifaceted and context-based, this researcher conducted a qualitative study in an attempt to identify QWL dimensions expected in the working environment of a hotel. 84 students and 64 employees from three hotel management institute and three hotel organization from Mangalore city in India participated through a purposeful sampling frame. Data were collected using interviews, focus group discussions and open-ended questionnaires, and analyzed in line with grounded theory method. The content analysis of the data yielded eight dimensions of QWL. Implications and limitations of this study along with areas for future research are discussed. DOI: 10.1016/j.ijhm.2008.11.003

Bull fighting - cultural tourism in Kenya

ABISAI SAMUEL
C01/1147/2009




Bull fighting; a potential cultural attraction that is in the verge of extinction in western Kenya.





This research is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BA.Tourism, The University of Nairobi. February 25, 2011.
1. Introduction

Preamble
This research sought to identify the challenges facing bull fighting as part of tourist attraction sectors in Kenya and how the challenges could be addressed to reap maximum benefits from the same activity. As a neglected potential cultural sport in western Kenya, this research mainly compares it with the bull fighting in Spain where the sport is much appreciated and benefits the stakeholders.


Background information
Similar to bull fighting in Spain, which is focused back to 711.A.D during crowing of King Alfonso (Viii), in Kenya it is a culture that dates thousands of years ago in the Luhya community? Mr. Indeche (85 years) who is considered among elders of sigalagala community western Kenya reveals that this fascinating sport was practiced by his ancestors and was part and parcel of the community top sports.

Bull fighting in rural Kenya is much different from the bull fighting in spain in that Kenya’s bull fighting involves a fight between two bulls while the Spanish style is the madater who fights against the bull and even end up killing it. In Kenya it is also note worthy that the bulls are provoked by the crowd and lock horns in fierce battle to the cries and jeers of the luhya people.


Statement of the problem

In Kenya’s tourism sector, how bull fighting is under utilized and fought against is the main problem.
Justification
Bearing a big potential of boosting our economy, and enhancing our culture in the tourism line, this is a sport that needs to be optimally utilized.

Theoretical framework and literature review.
Due to scarcity books related to bull fighting in Kenya most the work in this research paper is based on online literature.

For example;

i. Buzzle com
Where the aspect of importance of culture has been stressed. For example culture has been painted with the following importance;

a. Culture gives a community on identity
b. It is a bond that lies people together
c. Is a system of social control?

This information is used in this research because bull fighting is part of luhya cultural practices.

ii. Spain – information. Com
The history of bull fighting has been outlined in this websites since the reign of King Alfonso the eight the process of how bull fighting is undertaken in Spain is widely noted.
This information has been employed in this research because to compare and contrast the development of this industry between Kenya and Spain.

iii. Article – base
This site has information of particular areas in Kenya where bull fighting is organized and the information was really helpful in coming up with a research site.

iv. Kenya society for the protection and care of Animals site.
Where information on protest against bull fighting in Kenya is clearly stipulated, major events have been criticized by this groups in turn dwindling bull fighting as a cultural sport. Other protests have been outlined in sites of (CAS international and also the Kenya Safari.com)

v. Kenya foundation guide
The guide has information on the first animal rights activists like Alan Dershowtz and Laurence Tribe. The meaning of animal rights has been clearly explained.

Hypothesis
To guide this research, several hypotheses were necessary.
The following hypothesis did guide the study:

i. Bull fighting is a potential cultural sport faced with growing bulk of challenges in western Kenya.
ii. Bull fighting is assumed as an outdated practice by both local people and foreigners
iii. There is minimal investment in the bull fighting sport in Kenya.
iv. If well utilized, bull fighting can generate maximum benefits to the luhya community and the country as a whole
v. Bull fighting in Spain is much far a head in terms of development than in Kenya.

Objectives
Without a set of objectives to aim at achieving this investigation, the study runs the risk of being fraught with aimlessness. To keep it in focus, there must be a number of central aims to target. The objectives to achieve in this investigation included;

i. To assess how bull fighting as a cultural sport is dwindling in terms of attraction and exposure.
ii. To explain how challenges facing the cultural sport can be alleviated to improve its productivity
iii. To increase the awareness of how bull fighting can enrich our culture and boost our tourism sectors/ industry.

Research design and methodology
The research takes and a qualitative approach observation interviews content analysis are widely used.

1). Observation.

A visit to Sigalagala in Western Kenya where this kind of practice is undertaken and watching the bulls fighting helped in compiling this research.
This type of methodology helped in analyzing the real environment into which the activity is undertaken: some of the cultural practices that really boosts this activity like the dressing code and other cultural activity undertaken before the fight like drinking a local brew were identified through this method.

2). Interviews
This research involved several people interviews both from the university of Nairobi and Sigalagala. Out of 10 university students only 2 were concerned and supported bull fighting as a cultural sport. An interview with Mr. Indeche from the Sigalagala community also helped in analyzing the history and importance of Bull fighting in the luhya community.

3). Content analysis
With limited literature available as far as bull fighting in Kenya is concerned most of the work in this research was derived from online database and websites.

4). Sampling
Sampling is technique used to gain information about a group of items from just a small section of that group.

A section of students interviewed have been used to represent the whole population within Kenya. An interview with Mr. Indeche represents an interview with the whole luhya community.

Research findings
The following pitfalls were realized according to this research as far as bullfighting is concerned in western Kenya:
A. Low investment in the sector
As compared to Spain where modern stadiums have been constructed, Kenya still has no more efficient grounds far bull fighting event. The activity is usually done in an open play ground like local primary and secondary schools play ground which dances which lead to lose of a lot of revenue the event is not paid by viewers who are mainly composed of domestic and foreign tourists.

Also the owners of the bulls still bet low value of money because of the poor living conditions in the area. A bull owner bets around ten thousands shillings in a match of which around 5 thousands will go to post victory celebration. This means that the owner of the bull that wins remains with little cans to sustain his/ her family and also feed the bull. In Spain more capital has been channeled into the same hence boosting the structures and interests of people in the same.


B. Protests from animal rights activists
Animals’ rights support the idea that animals should be treated with the same interest like those of human beings. This means that animals should not be used for entertainment (bull fighting), research subjects and foods. Scholars like Alan, Dershowtz and Lawrence Tribe from Harvard University have been backing up the legal animal rights. With animal law being taught in more than 110 out of 180 law schools in the united states bull fighting both in Kenya and Spain have been subjected to criticism that hinder its growth. Many tourists evade visiting western Kenya to watch bull fighting because they think it is inhuman. This has resulted in loss of a lot of income especially from foreigners.
A bull fighting event which could have attracted many tourists at moi sports center Kasarani was called off due to protests from animal rights activists’ .this was an event to market this cultural sport to foreign tourists.

C. It is devalued by’ literate’ members of the society
Some people especially the locals assume that this kind of cultural practice is for the primitive .it is rare even in the luhya community where the activity is practiced to get an ‘educated’ man participating in the same. The locals assume that bull fighting is for those who didn’t go to school. A good example is M.P Dr. Bonny Khalwale who has been constantly been criticized by others because of his indulgence in bull fighting.
The negative westernization syndrome has really hindered the growth of bull fighting as a cultural sport and this has led to reluctance in involvement as far as domestic tourism is concerned.Educated people make a large percentage of domestic tourists in Kenya.

D. Poor marketing strategies
Little effort has been put into force as far marketing bull fights concerned. Although some small tour companies are now including the event among the western Kenya tourism circuit, a lot has to be done in terms of marketing. Government involvement, especially in campaigning for the publicity of this sport can really boost it both internationally and locally.

E. Poor infrastructure
Poor infrastructure within the region also hinders the growth of bull fighting sport. For example Kakamega has a small – airstrip which cant allow a boom of tourist to flock the region in the name of watching the cultural sport. Kisumu – Kakamega highway is in a disastrous conditions yet it is the major highway that can link luhya land to Kisumu international airport. The poor infrastructure makes the region inaccessible hence the bull fighting sport can’t be fully tapped by both domestic and international tourists.

F. Frequency of major events
The curve of the occurrence of the bull fighting activities is not predictable currently, the fights depends on the ‘pockets’ of those who have invested in bulls. These means that if the investors don’t have cash the event cant take place. Some tourists may want to attend to the event yet the locals don’t have the money to bet before they host one. This implies that such a event may take place when the tourist is away hence losing the money that could have been spent in the same.
G. Investment preference

Most of the locals prefer investing in diary cattle than recruiting bulls for bull fighting. This is because of the unrealized potential in this sector. Stable structures which are un available in the bull fighting enterprise scare local investors. The benefits from bullfighting in the tourism line have not been realized.

H. Accident insurance
Due to law capital investment bull fighting lack is the accident insurance yet it is a sport that pose danger to the life of supporters of fans for example when one bull is beaten or unable to fight the other it usually runs away to defend itself. Sometimes it knocks fans while running away such accident doesn’t have insurance cover hence being challenge to that potential sector. Tourist would prefer to attend to an event where there safety is assured.

I. Political interference
Bull fighting most of the times has been used as an arena to mobilize political activities.
This is evident particularly during elections campaigns in western Kenya. Politicians invest a lot in the activity only when undertaking their campaigns this after that the elections they ditch the sector. This activity therefore becomes relevant during the elections, yet it is cultural activity that is supposed to be practiced regularly. a tourist will avoid visiting a place during political elections hence minimal revenue in the same at that period.


CONCLUSION
In this study, I investigated the factors that are trying to steer bull fighting to extinction in Kenya. Generally from the study, three major elements do hinder the hinder the growth of this cultural sport as far tourism is concerned:
• Resistance from animal rights activists(western vs. African cultural conflict)
• Minimal government involvement in terms of investment marketing and professional trainings in management of this sport.
• Un involvement by locals in terms of investment, negative perception,
• Political interference.
With the above forces still in existence in this sector, Kenyan tourism especially in western Kenya is likely to deteriorate.

RECOMMENDATION
The problem or question that needs to be sorted out is, how can be challenges be alleviated. The importance and the realistic benefits of the activity should be critically analyzed.

From this research, it is important that the government should focus on improving this sector in terms of investment and marketing.
A negative perspective from local people and foreigners has been also on the base of downfall of the sport. The locals should focus on the potential of this cultural sport as far as tourism is concerned.
Activists on the other hand should understand that bull fighting Kenyan style is a special brand of sport. The bulls are usually undertaken through counseling secession, encouragement and nutritional activities before participating in any event whatsoever, this is to make for the bull maintain its favorable mental frame. The calling off the bull fighting event that was planned to be staged in moi sports centre Kasarani on 13th December, 2008 was against animal welfare position which denotes that there is nothing inherently wrong with using animals as resources if there is no unnecessary suffering the activist should compare bull fighting and bull slaughtering and they have to visit slaughter houses before invading this cultural sport. Though some the factors like animal rights initiative prove to be somehow positive in terms of animals dignity protection, the weight of importance of the same should be taken into consideration

Bull fighting has for years been a bond to the luhya people. It shows the richness as far as their culture is concerned and the continuity of this practice strengthens the bond and socialists the new members of luhya community in terms of understanding their culture.

The activity is also a form of part time employment to some members in the community.
The owner of the bulls, cheers and the venues owner also extract some income from the same. The activity should be boosted to attract both domestic and foreign tourists who will in turn spend cash in the sector.

References

http://www.spaininfo.com, http://www.article –base .com, http://www.buzzle.com, http://www.kenyasafari.com.

SEX TOURISM IN KENYA- (UTALII WA LUNGULA)

GENDER AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SEX
TOURISM IN KENYA’S COASTAL RESORTS1
BY
ROSE KISIA OMONDI
Lecturer, Department of Marketing and Logistics,
School of Business and Management,
Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya
1 A paper first presented at the International Symposium/Doctorial Course on Feminist Perspective on
Global Economic and Political Systems and Women’s struggle for Global Justice at Sommoroya Hotel,
Tromso, Norway, September 24 –26, 2003.
Introduction
“Sex tourism requires Third World women to be economically desperate
enough to enter into prostitution; having done so it is made difficult to
leave. The other side of the equation requires men from affluent societies
to imagine certain women, usually women of colour, to be more available
and submissive than women in their own countries. Finally, the industry
depends on an alliance between local governments in search of foreign
currency and local foreign business willing to invest in sexualised travel”
(Enloe, 2000:36)
Otherwise known as tourism prostitution, sex tourism may be defined as tourism
for which the main motivation or at least part of the aim of the trip is to
consummate or engage in commercial sexual relations (Graburn 1983; Hall
1991; Ryan and Hall 2001; Truong 1990). Studies indicate that in recent years,
the number of men (and women) travelling to foreign destinations usually in the
Third World seeking sex tourism has increased tremendously (Herold et al. 2001;
Ryan and Hall 2001). In the past, notorious destinations for sex tourism have
been mainly the Southeast Asian countries such as Bangkok (‘the red light
capital of the world’), Thailand (sometimes called ‘Thighland’), the Philippines,
Indonesia, South Korea and Sri Lanka (Enloe 2002; Hall 2001; Lim 1998;
Robinson and Bishop 1998).
Today, sex tourism has spread to other regions of the world including Goa (a
coastal state of India), Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Costa Rica,
Eastern Europe and a number of African countries such as Kenya, Tunisia,
South Africa and The Gambia (Ryan and Hall 2001, Enloe 2002; Chissim 1996;).
Sex tourism is thus steadily increasing as the tourism industry expands.
However, little information is available on its nature, magnitude and the factors
promoting it in Kenya and in Africa in general.
This paper discusses gender and the political economy of sex tourism on the
Kenyan coast, its health and socio-economic impacts and the government policy
on sex work.
International Tourism and Sex Tourism In Kenya
Globally, international tourist arrivals have been increasing steadily from 69
million people in 1960 to 160 million in 1970, 458 million in 1990, and 625 million
The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the
author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ARSRC
or any organisation providing support
in 1998 (WTO, 1999) and this increase has included the increase in sex tourism
through mass tourism, as many tourists visit new destinations (Cater 1989;
Harrison 1992). In Kenya, international tourism has grown tremendously and is
currently one of Kenya's leading and most well established industries. Most tourists
travelling to Kenya are mass tourists coming to seek the five “S”s. Hence, the
expansion of mass tourism in Kenya is also directly associated with the increase
in sex tourism in the country. This is evidenced by the inclusion of Kenya among
the world’s leading sex tourism destinations (Vatican 2003; Boston Globe 1995;
East African Standard 1995; Migot-Adhola et al. 1982; Sindiga 1999; and
Chessim 1996).
Why Tourists Visit Kenya
A number of reasons have been documented in the official statistics as the
reasons why tourists visit the country. First is Kenya’s natural beauty and its
landscape, which makes it one of the most beautiful and interesting places in the
world. Second is the country’s wildlife Safari. Kenya has immense biodiversity in
flora and fauna, which makes it an ideal spot for tourism. Within an area of
582,6646 square kilometres of which 8% is protected and designated as national
parks and reserves, Kenya has 309 known mammal species and 1067 bird
species (Weaver, 1998). The first protected area, the Nairobi National Park, was
established in 1946 and today, Kenya has 59 National parks and reserves each
of which differs in its offering of diversity and attractions. Apart from its natural
beauty and wildlife safari, white sand beaches, good climate and cultural activities
are the other reasons why tourists visit Kenya.
Although not officially stated, a good percentage of foreign tourists who visit Kenya
often indulge in sex tourism or at least as part of the activities during their trip
(Chissam 1996; Sindiga 1999). The majority of the tourists visiting Kenya are
mainly from Germany, the UK, Switzerland, Italy and France. Others are from North
America, Japan, Australia, New Zealand and European countries such as Spain,
Sweden and also from the Scandinavian countries. Many of these countries have
been generating sex tourists to some of the world’s renowned sex tourism
destinations such as Thailand (Ryan and Hall 2001). Hence, we can conclude that
they are likely to engage in the same activity while in Kenya.
As common with most developing countries, Kenya is primarily an agricultural
country where agriculture contributes 24.0% of GDP. Overall, Kenya’s economic
performance has been declining. The country’s per capita is about US$ 260 and
more than 50% of the Kenyan population currently lives below the poverty line;
the worst hit are women (CBS 2001).
The Economics of Tourism and the Sex Industry
At independence in 1963, Kenya relied on cash crop exports, and so the
government quickly set about trying to diversify the economy by implementing an
‘open door’ economic policy aimed at attracting foreign investment. However,
recognition of the limitations of the agricultural and manufacturing sectors,
coupled with the appreciation of employment potential meant that the Kenyan
government had to turn to tourism as a central industry. The numbers of tourists
and earnings from tourism have been increasing steadily since independence;
although some fluctuations (including some downtrends) have also been
recorded.
Between 1965 and 1972, the number of people visiting Kenya rose by 132%,
(Chissim1996) which lead to further investment in the industry, such that the
sector is creating employment more rapidly than any other.
Since 1987, tourism has been Kenya’s leading foreign exchange earner, (CBS
2001) surpassing the traditional export crops of coffee and tea (Gakahu1992;
Weaver 1998 and CBS 2001). The industry employs about 1.3 million Kenyans,
approximately 8% of wage earning labour force (Weaver, 1998 and CBS 1999).
In addition, Tourism is also linked to many domestic industries and is a
potentially useful tool for generating development in neglected areas. The
industry also contributes substantially to government revenues through taxes,
import duties, licenses and fees. Tourism is therefore officially promoted in Kenya
as the main foreign exchange earner, source of employment and general
development. Its significance on the Kenyan economy has a lot of bearing on
tourism policies; including those related to sex tourism.
Gender and The Political Economy of Sex Tourism In Kenya
This section presents an overview of the gender and political economy of sex
tourism in Kenya. It is argued that sex tourism represents an unjust social order
and an institution that economically exploits women (Awanohara 1975; Cohen
1988; Montgomery 2001). Sex tourism should be viewed within the context of
structural inequality and gender imbalance that is often unfair to women and
constructs women, especially African women, as exploitable and submissive
(Ennew 1986; Young 1973; Sindiga 1999).
This inequality is reinforced through many promotional brochures that associate
men with action, power, and ownership, while women are represented as
passive, available and as objects to be owned. Sexual and exotic images of
women in the tourism industry are used to market destinations and these often
reinforce patriarchal powers. Patriarchy and sexuality of women operate on the
principle that the male shall dominate the female and that the older male shall
dominate the younger male. Man therefore controls female sexuality and the
social institutions through which this control is exercised, the family. So through
prostitution female sexual desirability is being promoted but at the same time it is
also being stigmatised as sexual deviance (Ryan and Hall 2001; and Troung
1990).
Like all transactions, sex tourism is both an economic and political phenomenon
because it must have a market and the transactions must be considered socially
and politically legitimate (Fish 1984; Richter 1995). Sex tourism in Kenya like in
other parts of the world is not promiscuity and/or a crime but a response to the
political economy and women’s sexuality. Prostitutes (women) are sexual victims
while the men are empowered sexual actors because males often use their
economic power to perpetuate their gender roles (maleness) and to reinforce
power relations of male dominance and female subordination. The prostitutes are
often poor victims of circumstances acting to the dictates of the rich, powerful
male tourists exploiters and deviants (Collins 2000; Ryan and Hall 2001; Troung
1990). These relationships lead to the to objectification and commodification of
women’s bodies. It is however important to note that even though the general
feeling is that women are exploited, there are some sex workers who have a
sense of power over males (Ryan and Hall 2001).
Market for Female Tourists
Sex tourism is now taking different forms. First is the reality that there is a sex
tourism market for female tourists. Female tourists are also coming to Kenya to
meet with the local beach boys and promoting male prostitution. In this case,
European women imagine black men (or men of colour) to be stronger and active
in bed compared to the men back in their home countries.
Studies of relationships between female tourists and local males have been
conducted in Jamaica and other parts of the world (Chissim 1996; Ryan and Hall
2001). One such a study was by Pruitt and LaFont (1995) in which they studied
female tourists in Jamaica. In their study, they coined the term, ‘romance
tourism’, which they used instead of sex tourism. Based on their observations, it
appeared that both the female tourists and the local males saw their relationship
more in terms of romance and courtship rather than an exchange of sex for
money. The actors were seen as being emotionally involved with each other and
desirous of long-term relationships.
Also, Third World women are now migrating to foreign countries as entertainers
and brides for these foreign men. This is the latest step in making world travel
different. Men in Scandinavia, Germany, Australia, Britain, the U.S.A. and Japan
now want to have access to Third World women not just in the Third world
tourism centres, but they want to enjoy their services at home.
Child prostitution is also emerging in Kenya involving young boys and girls. This
was previously not very common in Kenya but with HIV/AIDS, many orphaned
children are now turning to prostitution.
The Different Forms of Sex Tourism
The sex tourism industry takes different forms. Sometimes it involves the
production of videos featuring nude-dancing in which no direct physical contact
occurs; the tourists engage in voyeurism. There are also the ‘casual prostitutes’
or freelancers who move in and out of prostitution depending on their financial
needs. In this situation sex tourism may be regarded as incomplete
commercialised and the relationship between sex worker and client may be
ridden with ambiguities (Cohen 1982; Ryan and Hall 2001), particularly if the
relationship shifts from an economic to a social base.
There is also the more formalized form of prostitution where the workers operate
through intermediaries. Since sex tourism is generally illegal, prostitutes are often
forced to use entertainment establishments such as clubs, bars or other retail
outlets in order to operate. Yet, another form of sex tourism is that of bonded
prostitutes. This type of prostitution is a form of slavery because it is enforced by
other people such as family members or through abductions and kidnapping.
Sex Tourism Market on the Kenya Coast
The Kenya Coast along the Indian Ocean is notorious for sex tourism. It caters
for about 66% of Kenya tourism activities and although no precise figures are
available, sex tourism is one of the main activities at the coast (Sindiga 1999,
Migot-Adhola et al 1982; Bechmann 1985,). The Kenyan coast as a tourist
destination came into play in the early 1920s attracting mainly the white settlers and
colonial government officials who sought holiday excitement there.
Major tourist attractions at the coast include the wildlife, white sandy beaches,
sun, sea, sex, scenic features, diverse cultures, hospitable people, historical
sites, national museums, national parks and reserves near the coast and tourism
facilities of international standard such as hotels and the airport.
The high demand for the coast as a tourist site is evident in the higher numbers
of hotel spaces occupied at the coast compared to other regions in the country.
(Table.1) There are 412 registered hotels at the coast, majority of which are
beach hotels developed in the last 25 years. Much of the tourism activities at the
coast are centred on the major beach towns of Mombasa, Malindi, Lamu, Kilifi
and Watamu (Map.1). It is at these hotels that visitors indulge in their main
activities of sun bathing, swimming, organized excursions into the game reserves
and visits to museums and the surrounding villages.
The expansion of tourism at the coast has also been encouraged by the
improvement of Mombasa airport to an international standard; the airport is
currently receiving direct charter flights from Europe. The flights are a cheaper
way to make the long-haul trips to Kenya. With the introduction of these kinds of
flights, mass tourists from Germany, Switzerland, Italy and other parts of Europe
have increasingly been able to land directly in Mombasa.
These activities have in turn, had profound socio-economic impact; including the
emergence of sex tourism. The presence of Americans, Britons, Germans and
others in Mombasa and other coastal areas in search of rest and recreation has
also been a factor attracting Kenyan girls to become involved in sex work
(Sindiga 1999 and Chissim 1996).
In addition, women of multi-racial and ethnic communities often perceived as
more submissive by foreign sex tourists, are also found in these costal areas
In summary, the main features that have made the Kenyan Coast a popular sex
tourism destination include (1) the high concentration of tourist facilities and the
activities that occur at the coast (2) tourist attractions such as sand, sun, sea
and sex (3) foreign military bases at the coast (4) Mombasa International Airport
(5) the presence of women who are perceived to be more submissive (6) and
the presence of a cruise-ship landing base. As a result of these factors, sex
tourism facilities such as brothels and private cottages have mushroomed on the
coast, owned largely by foreigners (Jommo 1987; Sindiga 1999; Migot-Adhola et
al. 1982).
MAP.1: THE KENYAN COAST: SUN, SEA, SAND AND SEX.
INDIAN OCEAN
L a m u
ETHIOPIA
SOMALIA
TANZANIA
UGANDA
L. Turkana
SUDAN
L. Victoria
K E N Y A
E
L A M U
C o a s t l i n e
N
I N D I A N O C E A N
M a l i n d i
A F R I C A
Kilometers
W
Kilifi
M o m b a s a
K W A L E
K I L I F I
Kwale
International Boundary
10
Countries Boundaries
River
Tarmac Road
Railway Line
Murram Road
0 5
Table1: Hotel Bed-Nights Occupied By Zone, 1997-2001
ZONE 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001
Coastal-Beach….
- Other….
Coast
Hinterland..
Nairobi-High
Class
- Other...
Central………
Maasailand…..
Nyanza Basin…
Western……
Northern…
3074.4
71.5
59.0
801.5
311.8
218.1
215.0
88.2
64.3
6.5
1505.3
109.1
43.9
655.6
178.0
92.9
85.2
110.8
27.3
4.9
1625.2
73.9
48.7
685.5
173.2
77.5
84.3
110.1
69.2
3.4
2065.2
85.8
76.3
836.1
167.2
145.7
141.5
87.3
72.4
10.3
1872.5
137.9
56.5
681.3
138.2
83.1
138.3
107.1
98.8
41.2
TOTALOCCUPIED
4910.3 2813.0 2951.0 3687.8 3354.9
TOTALAVAILABLE
9516.6 7975.7 8711.4 9382.3 8327.8
Source CBS 2002
Motivation Factors: Why Do Tourists Look for Sex?
There are many factors that appear to motivate and promote sex tourism in the
Third World countries including Kenya. When tourists go to a destination, there is
the assurance of anonymity, which releases them from the usual restraints,
which determine their behaviours in their home countries. A person’s behaviour
is often different when they are away from home. Tourism allows people “to lose
their identity” and gives them the freedom to escape realities and to live their
fantasies. Most tourists will behave differently when on holiday. They will spend
more money, relax more, drink more, eat more and they will allow themselves
pleasures that they would not at home. Men who would never visit brothels in
their home countries for example, will end up doing so in a foreign country where
there is a negligible chance of detection and (or) penalty.
Tourists also seek commercial sex in a place like Kenya because sexual services
in Kenya are cheap compared to what the tourists may have to pay in their home
countries. Tourists travelling to Kenya are able to enjoy a lifestyle that they could
never have at home. Perhaps, some of the tourists may hold menial jobs in their
industrialized home countries but because of the disparity in salaries and high
exchange rates; they may appear comparatively rich when they are in a poorer
country like Kenya. They would therefore tend to spend their money in sexual
activities that they associate with the rich and the famous in their home countries.
Chissim has illustrated this from an interview with a German tourist in Kenya
(Chissim 1996:18)
“…Marco said he was in Kenya for a month but within 4 days, he boasted of
already fucking 5 girls. He said he fucked one girl on the beach but pretended
that he had no money, so he got that one for free. Another girl he fucked on the
beach for 100/- (less than $2) and told her that he did not have any more money
than that. The others he had to pay 200/- (about $3.50) …“
The other reason, which can explain sexual exploitation of women in the Third
World countries including Kenya, is the desire on the part of tourists to try
something “nouveau” with a different race. Some tourists who visit Kenya may
have travelled to other destinations like Thailand renowned for their sex tourism
industry and since Kenya is very different from these other locations it may
represent another race to be sampled.
For some of these tourists, Kenya represents Africa where life is perceived as
raw and wild and a place where people are uncontrolled, liberal, and
polygamous. These reasons can partly explain why some European women visit
Kenya to look for sex. Actually it is estimated that 5% of all European women
who visit Kenya go in search of sex with a higher ratio from Germany and
Switzerland (New York Times Feb.14, 2002).
Some African ethnic cultures also place a high value on virginity. This notion,
thus, increases the desire of the tourist to have sex with younger girls; in the
anticipation of having sex with a virgin. There is also the added belief that the
younger girls are likely to be free from HIV/AIDS.
Some tourists engage in sex tourism because they may be fleeing from unhappy
relationships at home and, perhaps, from women who may tend to question
male domination. One cannot rule out the fact that some men are unable to
accept the decline in the privileges that patriarchal societies traditionally
bestowed on men, which is becoming the reality in many parts of the world.
Power of Advertising
Tourists also visit Third World countries because of the many promotional
messages and advertising that feature romantic images of women’s bodies
around swimming pools or other bodies of water. Tourism brochures are
swamped with images of African women at the tourist sites who are portrayed as
sensual and available. Such images may act to reinforce the tourists’ feeling of
having complete control over a sex worker’s body just because he has paid some
money.
Sex tourism also thrives along the Kenyan coast simply because the
infrastructure to facilitate this is in place. The Kenyan coast has a number of
hotels, nightclubs, bars, and beaches where prostitutes’ and clients’ relationships
can be formed and sexual relations consummated. This has also been made
easy by the laxity on the part of the police officers who easily succumb to bribes
and are inclined to turn a blind eye on such activities.
There also exists along the Kenyan coast, a Mafia-style drugs and sex industry.
These are people with a lot of money capable of bribing their way out of trouble.
They also have the capacity to organise services for clients outside the country
(Sindiga 1999; Chessim 1996 Migot-Adhola et al 1982).
“Most fundamentally, however, the motivations for sex tourism are an outcome of
a desire on the part of the tourist for self gratifying erotic power through the
control of another’s body” (Ryan& Kinder 1996:516)
Male supremacy is perceived as a natural kind of authority in many cultures and
world religions. Cultural values that define traditional male sex roles are power,
dominance, strength, virility and superiority and those that define female roles
are submissiveness, passivity, weakness and inferiority. In many legal systems,
and in social and religious thinking, women are perceived as the property of
men and sex as the exchange of goods, which further entrenches male
supremacy. The notion of male supremacy also teaches boys and men that
females are worthless and less deserving and may be treated poorly or less than
males.
Supply Factors – Why Do Sex Workers Get involved?
“Often times I don’t feel anything during sexual encounters. There are times
when I am hurt. If I keep doing it, it is because I need money for my self and my
children. I have learned to do motions mechanically in order to satisfy my
customers. If you do it very well they will come back- and that means money”
(Lin Lean Lim 2000:74)
This Filipino woman quoted by Lin Lean Lim has expressed the reason why
many Third World women are in the sex tourism business and their feelings
about sex work. For many, the number one reason is poverty. Some Kenyan
women and women in other Third World countries are ‘economically desperate’.
Prostitution is therefore considered the only available option for them to ensure
their survival and that of their families. They migrate to the coast with hope of
finding a white tourist who can pay more or who might marry them and take them
to the West; or at least who might become their boyfriend.
Some of the girls who are involved in prostitution apparently come from broken
homes, or are street children, or orphans. The increasing poverty and the
profitability of prostitution makes the traditional societal ethics and the codes of
sexual conduct almost irrelevant for many people; including the parents of the
prostitutes.
One would then wonder why women are generally poorer compared to men in
many African countries including Kenya. The following are some of the major
reasons.
Women have limited access to productive resources such as land, capital, farm
equipments and agricultural inputs. Land has historically remained outside the
control of women. Inheritance practices in most African communities favour the
male gender who can acquire land mostly through inheritance and to a lesser
extent through purchase. A woman’s right to land is usually limited to user rights
only. This implies that males can easily have access to other productive
resources because they can use land as a security to borrow money if needed to
purchase other productive resources. This option is not usually available for
women
Women relatively enjoy lower levels of education and have limited training
opportunities compared to their male counterparts. This again is because parents
give priority (although, this is slowly changing) to boys’ education particularly if
the resources are inadequate. Other factors that affect the education of females
include unwanted pregnancies and the fact that they may be forced into early
marriages by their parents for economic gains.
Many Kenya women are also overburdened by high fertility rates and lack of
family planning services. This situation is is exacerbated by poor maternal health
and nutritional status. Thus, women have family care burdens including caring for
children, which makes it very difficult for them to engage in any meaningful
economic activity. Women also have a poor perception of themselves and their
abilities. Added to this is the lack of knowledge about both their rights and the
resources that are potentially available to them. The situation is further
compounded by the prevailing attitudes of the society to women’s abilities and
socio-economic roles.
The other factor contributing to women’s poverty is the ‘fallen woman’ concept;
that is, any woman who has suffered from seduction, rape, been jilted or left a
male partner, is often cut-off from other employment or even marriage because
of their sex history. This leaves such women with limited choices and as such
may opt for prostitution in the search for viable livelihoods.
Women are also discriminated against in most areas of formal employment and
are often left with the worst paid jobs or no jobs at all. Lure of easy and plentiful
money coupled with new social norms (the relative anonymity and freedom from
familiar and village surveillance in the tourism locations) makes prostitution an
alternative source of employment for many young women.
HIV/AIDS
The HIV/AIDS scourge is a big problem in many developing countries. In Kenya it
is estimated that 500 people die of AIDS or related illnesses every day, leaving
many orphans. In the majority of cases, these young children become the heads
of households and must therefore find ways and means of taking care of their
siblings. For the girls, the easy alternative is to turn to sex work in order to get
some income.
Many Third World countries are also experiencing a crisis within the agriculture
sector which forces rural folks, including young women, to move to urban centres
in search of employment. Not everybody can get jobs in these urban centres; but
once you are there, you must meet your basic living expenses. For many women,
sex work is the answer.
Spread of new forms of consumerism, growing materialism and the increasing
cost of living a more conspicuous life-style are a motivation for some young
female migrants to enter prostitution. In addition, the benefits of remittances from
sex workers is an incentive for other family and community members to get
involved or to encourage girls to go into sex work.
Impact of Sex Tourism In Kenya – Benefits or Blight?
Sex tourism can be seen as both a risk and an opportunity to acquire resources.
Because of the risks involved, many women prefer to attach themselves to pimps
or other ‘traders’ for safety and security reasons and in the end get less income.
Alternatively, they may decide to go it alone and get high incomes but with this
also comes a great risk. Most women in sex work face the risk of material loss
because they may not be paid by their clients after offering sexual services (ref.
The Marco case). Women are generally helpless against such exploitation and
take them as part of their business.
The other material risks is the money that they must give to the police in
exchange for liberty to operate and especially since the work is mostly done at
night. The women also risk losing their money to theft.
Women can sometimes face attacks by dissatisfied customers. They may face
physical attacks in the form of cruelty, violence and rape and in extreme cases
even pay with their life, as did one woman in 1980.
“Monica Njeri was a 32-year-old mother of two and a prostitute in Mombassa with
a bias towards male clients. She was brutally murdered by Frank Sundstrom a19
year old USA navy service man who wanted the kind of sex that Monica could
not provide. When he was not satisfied with merely sleeping, he woke up and
tried to steal back the money he had given to Monica plus her own money but
she woke up and caught him in the act. In the ensuing struggle, he broke a beer
bottle to make a weapon and repeatedly stabbed her until she died.” (Migot-
Adhola 1982:74)
Although, Sundstrom admitted the offence, his only sentence was to sign a bond
of 500/- (equivalent to US$46 at that time) to be of good conduct.
Health Problems
Women in prostitution also face health problems. They are exposed to sexually
transmitted infections including HIV/AIDS. It is worth noting that as much as the
women would like to use preventive measures such as condoms, not may
tourists will accept this. The reasons that have been given by some tourists is
that it interrupts the flow of sex and that carrying it may imply that one is
promiscuous (Clift & Grabowski 1997). The other health danger with sex work is
the susceptibility to anal or cervical cancers. Additionally, since many women are
forced into sex work, some may only be able to work under the influence of drugs
and/or alcohol. These can in turn lead to drug and alcohol addiction as well as
mental depression.
Due to its nature, sex tourism has been perceived largely as having a negative
impact on society. However, there is another side to it. Sex tourism can generate
income. Some women that have risked prostitution have been able to build better
houses and have invested in urban plots and houses. This is largely because
earnings from prostitution are often more than from other alternative employment
opportunities open to women with low levels of education. Although some girls
state that they would like to move from prostitution to other jobs, they are
conscious of the income that they are likely to lose.
Sex workers contribute to the national economy by boosting the profits of many
transnational hotels and airlines, small street vendors who sell ornaments, hotel
staff, taxi drivers, brothel owners, and many other intermediaries. The police, the
state, as well as local and international enterprises are all aware that sex has a
market value even though they proclaim that prostitution is immoral (Ryan and
Hall 2001).
Sex tourism can also contribute to cultural exchange. Many sex workers are
forced to learn foreign languages; for without such skills they cannot perform
their work well. There are also occasions when these temporary relationships
have led to more permanent unions such as marriage, which in turn have
removed the girls from everyday prostitution. The other positive impact is that
health workers are encouraged to pay more attention to their health due to the
nature of their work. These girls must go for check ups regularly and should any
problem be detected it can be treated in time.
Policy Issues: Precisely, what is the Kenyan Government’s Position?
“This new form of slavery is as a result of apathetic policy, the economic greed of
local privileged classes, the poverty of certain countries and the struggle for
survival of some sectors of the population” (The Vatican’s Permanent Observer
at the World Tourism Organization April 2003).
The section discusses policy issues relating to the sex tourism market in the
country, and in particular, explains various attempts by the Kenyan government
to control what is called “sex safari”.
The legal viewpoint on prostitution has been expressed at various levels. At the
international level, various policies have been formulated and adopted, for
example, the United Nations Convention for the Suppression of trafficking in
Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitutes by Others in 1949. Subsequently,
UN member states, Kenya inclusive, are expected to adopt domestic legal
measures to criminalize prostitution and to curb syndicates. However, evidence
shows that such measures have brought about few changes in so far as
suppressing the practice of prostitution and the trafficking of women and children
are concerned.
This is as a result of the poverty levels in certain nations as expressed by the
Vatican representative to WTO. In my view, governments of poorer countries
such as Kenya cannot be expected to regulate the sex industry merely for moral
reasons especially if the industry is bringing in the much-needed foreign
exchange. What these countries can do at best is to enact laws so as to appear
concerned but would do very little if anything to enforce such regulations.
The law that currently exists in Kenya with regards to prostitution is found in CAP
63. S.153–S.156 Laws of Kenya. The law specifically states:
S.153 (1) “every male person who -
(a) Knowingly lives wholly or in part on the earnings of prostitution; or (b) In any
public place persistently solicits or importunes for immoral purposes, is guilty of a
misdemeanour”
S.153 (2) prohibits any man from living with a prostitute or to control or help a
woman into prostitution with the aim of living on such earnings.
S.154 “Every woman who knowingly lives wholly or in part on the earnings of
prostitution or who is proved to have, for the purposes of gain exercised control,
direction or influence over movements of a prostitute in such a manner as to
show that she is aiding, abetting or controlling her prostitution with any person or
generally, is guilty of a misdemeanour”
S.156 prohibits any person from owning, managing or being the leaser of any
premises to be used as a brothel
This law therefore does not make prostitution illegal as such; but only living on
the earnings from prostitution is illegal. By implication therefore only loitering,
pimping and ownership, management or occupancy of a brothel is illegal. It is
important to note however that only women sex workers have occasionally
suffered from this law and not the men (prostitutes) or owners of brothels who in
most cases are influential people and can buy their way out of trouble.
Sex tourism in Kenya has also been given semi-official recognition. For example,
the City Council of Mombasa issues cards to bar girls to work in these places but
the media and the government alike have neglected to bring this issue to light
despite the knowledge of the existence of this practice (Migot-Adhola et al. 1982
and Sindiga 1999).
Discussions
Sex tourism has developed and is increasingly becoming a complex global
phenomenon. One can only wonder why despite the health risks and other
problems that are associated with this trade, that tourists and the sex workers
like are still engaging in sex tourism.
The major part of this discussion will consider whether sex work should be
legalized or criminalized in Kenya and the various programmes that can help to
rehabilitate sex workers. Criminalisation of prostitution would be highly unfair
since in most cases prostitutes are themselves victims of highly organized
institutional structures and arrangements.
Criminalisation may punish the prostitutes, but not necessarily stop them from
such work, especially if there are no viable alternatives. Such a ban would only
serve to drive the sector underground. In which case, those in need of protection
would become more marginalized. Should sex work be declared illegal,
prostitutes may be discouraged from openly seeking safer sex education and
health services, thereby merely exacerbating the health threats both to
themselves and the larger population.
Criminalisation also has been very selective because the law and its enforcement
mainly affects women, while clients, pimps and brothel owners have remained
relatively untouched (Truong 1983; Sindiga 1999). This could be seen in The
Contagious Diseases Act in Britain (1864) that was established as a state
policing system for compulsory periodical genital examination of women
suspected to be prostitutes. Butler, a feminist who led the fight against this Act
claimed that it subjected women to men’s control. She documents a bitter
complaint by one of the women who was picked up by the police (Enloe
2002:57)
“… it is men, men, only men, from the first to the last that we have to do with! To
please a man, I did wrong at first, then I was flung about from man to man. Men
police lay hands on us. By men we are examined, handled, doctored…In the
hospital, it is a man again who makes prayers and reads the Bible for us. We are
had up before magistrates who are men, and we never get out of the hands of
men till we die!” And as she spoke I thought, “ And it was a parliament of men
only who made the law which treats you as an outlaw. Men alone met in
committee over it. Men alone are the executives. When men, of all ranks, thus
band themselves together for an end deeply concerning women, and place
themselves like a thick impenetrable wall between women and women…it is time
that women should arise and demand their most sacred rights in regard to their
sisters.”
What existed in Britain in the 1860’s is not any different from what we have in
Kenya today. For example out of 222 members of parliament, only 17 are women
and this is virtually the same in the other professions mentioned above:
magistrates, police, doctors, religious leaders etc men are the majority and can
be estimated to be somewhere between 70-100%. Criminalizing sex work will
only hurt women.
The best alternative would probably be to allow adult women to engage in sex
work if they so wish. However, since sex tourism is an important source of
commercial sexual exploitation of children it is necessary to introduce provisions
for extraterritorial application of laws, so that perpetrators from other countries
can be brought to justice for criminal acts committed in other countries. This
should also apply to international trafficking of women and children since
trafficking is done against the victims’ will. Immigration laws should also be
reviewed to take these problems into account.
Legalizing sex work would be more beneficial to women as they will be able to
have better working conditions and they would also earn more as they will not
need the services of middlemen. However, the Kenyan society is very “religious”
and coupled with the fact that over 90% of parliamentarians are men, such a law
can never be passed. With this scenario it appears that sex tourism is here to
stay whether criminalized or otherwise because the structures are in place to
ensure demand and supply to sustain the trade.
Conclusions
The solution to the sex tourism problem in Kenya is, therefore, not to criminalize
or legalize it but rather to investigate the root causes and sort out the problem
from the root. Rather than continuing to conduct futile seminars and conferences,
these victims need practical, viable, tangible and sustainable interventions. There
is need to formulate a law that would regulate sex tourism and the sex industry in
the country; this must be supported with a range of social/economic policies and
programmes.
Since poverty is the major reason why women go into tourism, women need to
be empowered economically. They can be encouraged to start income
generating activities and the younger ones can be advised and supported to go
back to school. The victims should be offered long-term rehabilitation
programmes that include care, love, medical and legal services as well as
guidance and counselling.
All stakeholders including government agencies, NGOS, the private sector, the
media and communities should be involved in these programmes. The Sex
tourism programmes should also be monitored regularly through follow-up and
after-care activities. There is also a need to educate the Kenyan society about
providing equal opportunities for both sexes. The government must address the
problem rather than deny the existence of sex tourism in the country. Women
groups in the Third world countries including Kenya should also liaise with their
counterparts in western countries to protect women from sex tourism and
trafficking.
Since, we can no longer deny the existence of sex tourism in Kenya, there is
urgent need to carry out systematic research to answer certain fundamental
questions such as: How big is the sex industry in Kenya? How many women and
how many tourists are involved? Is sex tourism in Kenya unique to the country or
are there similarities with the trade in regions like Southeast Asia? To what
extent is the African culture and beliefs keeping sex tourism in check? What is
the precise government position on sex tourism? What tangible, reliable and
sustainable programmes can be implemented to rehabilitate and re-integrate sex
workers back into the society?
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Guilford and King’s Lynn
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The Vatican representative to WTO (2003). http://www.cathnews.com/news/304/43.php

Facts on post election violence in kenya

Facts of the post-election violence



Facts of the post-election violence are (30th Dec. 2007 until 12. March 2008):

More than 1327 people killed due to the violence (our estimate based on continuous recordings) - many by armed government forces with shoot-to-kill orders and ethnic killings with crude weapons, Official police count: 526 killed (police only admited so far 90 killings caused by security forces); official government count 923. Inofficial police statement on 25. Feb. 2008 (given by an unnamed Senior Police Commander to AFP): 1,500. Most media count over 1000 killings. UN estimate: 921 killings; Red Cross estimate: More than 1000. Opposition estimate: More than 1,500. Overall 57% were killed by crude weapons or burns and 43% by bullets. However, in Western Province 91% were killed by bullets. Mortuaries are overfilled everywhere. Bodies dumped in forests. Government banned mass graves for uncollected bodies. Numerous people abducted by "police" still not found.
More than 550 private motor vehicles and more than 280 Public Service vehicles burned
More than 1,850 women and girls raped and many forcefully circumcised (also many men and boys are circumcised by force). Though the turmoil calmed down more than 165 underaged children even young as only 2 years of age are at present defiled per month, says official police report. And these are only the reported cases.
More than 5,685 houses, shops and increasing number of schools, public buildings and churches burnt down
More than 12,500 Kenyans have fled into Uganda and over 3,000 into Tanzania. Only very few returned. On 06. March 08 UNHCR still counts 12,000 refugees from Kenya in Uganda.
More than 6,850 children seriously injured (many by police and other armed forces)
More than 14,689 adults seriously injured or wounded (many by security forces)
More than 23,800 people robbed of all their property
More than 80,000 school children, who had to flee, have to be allocated to other schools, while 520 school teachers can not return to their schools for fear of ethnic persecution. Allocations are now stopped due to renewed tension.
More than 100,000 children registered as displaced (UNICEF), another 100,000 not accounted for at their former residences, i.e. they fled with or without their families and nobody knows where they are.
More than 600,000 people fled from their homes (Government counts only 219,485) and about 50% (ICRC: 304,000, UN: 310,000) were registered as IDPs (internally displaced people = refugees in own country) in more than 44 "official" IDP-camps all over the country, but in reality at many more sites (UN: More then 300 camps - over 192 sites in western and central regions alone). In the North Rift Valley alone over 126,000 people were displaced. Many IDPs were and are still unreached and without shelter or food. About 150,000 registered IDPs have left the camps for their ancestral homelands. Around 300,000 people found refuge with families and friends as well as other wellwishing Kenyans and expatriates. Beginning of March still 200,000 people (some newly registered) are in protected camps.
Except for some very little assistance by direct aid, the severely affected minority peoples have received nothing from the ICRC, Kenya Red Cross or other international support, since ICRC/KRC can not reach their hideouts and/or because all the aid is grabbed at the centers by powerful people and groups.
Transit routes and supplies lifelines from the coast to the West (and thereby furtheron to Uganda and DR Congo) had been blocked and are now only gradually back to former safety levels. Government declared Uganda railway route as being safe again on 08. March 2008. Mombasa harbour container terminal still congested.
Most tourists had left Kenya, missionaries and other expatriates were fleeing the country in January and February. US had pulled all staff out from Western Kenya. Of all categories only few returned so far. Some tourist arrivals are attrackted by low fares, but travel advisories of most countries not yet revised. Germany calls the country safe, France scaled back their travel advisory, while US maintained high risk warning.
Since at least February the Kenya army operates officially in Rift Valley, since March now also openly in Mt. Elgon area.

- but this are just figures, while the human suffering can not be described and can not be imagined by those who haven't seen it. The ethnic violence poses now Christian people of Bantu speaking origin, with whom the security forces were ordered to sideline, against Christian Nilotic and Nilo-Hamitic people. The Muslim areas and communities remain rather quiet, though it is evident that certain groups of coastal people are pushing members of inland Kikuyu, Kamba as well as Luo and Luya out of coastal province and back to their ancestral lands.

Those who suffer the most are the ethnic minorities of the aboriginal people (like Ogiek, Watha, Aweer, Yiaku, Dahalo, Sengwer), who are caught up in this struggle of the first colonialist of Kenya (Bantu, Nilotic and Hamitic invaders) for power, land and superiority. But they don't even have a single MP in the present parliament to make their voices heard.



Unrest Stirs an Exodus

February 15, 2008

Since a deeply flawed election in December incited ethnic and political violence, hundreds of thousands of people have been driven from their homes.

Many are resettling in ethnically homogenous areas.

The arrows on the map below represent a sample of the movements by some ethnic groups (red labels).





Do YOU really care?

Then please do something!

Help us to stop the violence and to protect people and nature!

Tell us who you are and ask us what you specifically can do -

email to: AfricaNode@ecoterra.net



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cicero n aristotle; constitution

Cicero Aristotle Constitution Both Aristotle and Cicero Argue the Merits...

Essay Copyright Infringement

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Cicero Aristotle Constitution

Both Aristotle and Cicero argue the merits of mixed constitutions, a balance between monarchy, aristocracy and polity. The concept is widely attributed to the more modern resources used by the founding fathers but can be drawn from ***** his*****rical sources. The first three articles set up the threefold separation of powers, said to have been modeled on M*****tesquieu's study, which on this point was incorrect, of ***** British government. (Columbia Electronic encyclopedia 6th ed) It seems that the s*****ry is much older and history dictates the importance of such ***** of power.

***** demonstrates his belief in the ideal ***** a three-tiered *****al system consist*****g of the executive, legislative ***** judicial branches of ***** government in several of ***** works but most notably in this passage from Poltis:

Aristotle agrees, "the better ***** constitution is mixed, the more permanent it is" For him the well-ordered constitution results from the proper ordering of three factors: the deliberative body, the mag*****tracies, and the judiciary. (Lloyd 1998)

His meaning is clear, according to ***** in that ***** best governments contain balances of power ***** leaves no one ***** the ***** divisions in a state of greater power than the others, to reduce the possibility of either internal corruption and coercion or overthrow ***** one of the three *****, resulting in despotism.

***** agrees, by stating rather eloquently as claimed by Lloyd in his work on the origins of ***** balance ***** power within the US Constitution. Cicero (Rep. 1.69) also attests to the stability of a mixed constitution... "For the prim*****ry forms already menti*****d degenerate e*****ily into the corresponding perverted *****, the king being replaced by a despot, ***** ***** by an oligarchical faction, and the people by a mob and anarchy; ***** whereas these forms are frequently changed into new ones, ***** does not usually happen in the case of the mixed and evenly balanced constitution, except through great faults in ***** governing class." Cicero too declares the mixed constitution the best form of government (*****. 2.41), "***** most splendid conceivable" (Rep. 2.42: quo nihil possit esse praeclarius). He concludes, "a ***** of government which is ********** equal mixture of the three good forms is superior to any of *****m ***** itself " (Rep. 2.66: sed id praestare singulis, quod e tribus primis es***** modice temperatum). (Lloyd)

There are many examples of these *****s reflected in the Constitution of the United States. As the first three articles attest the division of ***** is constitutional and the wording of ***** passages of the ***** ***** express the *****eals of not only the separations but also the checks of each subset, one ***** ***** other.

Every bill ***** shall have passed the House ***** Representatives ***** the Senate *****, before it become a l*****w, be presented to the President of the ***** States; if he approve ***** shall sign *****, but if ***** he shall return it, w*****h his objections, ***** that House in which it shall have originated, who shal

Plato's republic

Plato's
Republic

Plato usually wrote relatively short pieces, like the Euthyphro, Meno, etc. In all his writings there are only two book length works, the Republic and the Laws. The Laws was the last thing Plato wrote, at eighty, and it is a grim and terrifying culmination of the totalitarian tendencies in his earlier political thought. It is also pretty dull, since Plato had all but abandoned his earlier lively dialogue format. The Republic, however, is the supreme product of Plato's most mature years, thought, and style. It contains virtually the entire universe of Plato's philosophy.

The word "republic" is from Latin: Res publica means "public matters" or "the state." In Greek, the title was the Politeia, which means the Constitution. But the Republic does not start out about politics. It is initially a familiar kind of Socratic dialogue about justice, just as the Euthyphro is about piety and the Meno is about virtue. The Republic is divided into ten Books. Each of these was originally what would fit onto one papyrus scroll. [By late Roman times, the scrolls were cut up and sewn together into codices, or the kind of bound books that we continue to use.] The entire first Book of the Republic may originally have been one of the standard early dialogues that Plato wrote about Socrates. Later it was expanded. Unusual features of the dialogue, however, are (1) that Socrates [note well that Plato continues to use Socrates to speak Plato's ideas in all his mature works] actually narrates the entire thing, (2) that he speaks with a large number of people, not just one, (3) that these include two brothers of Plato himself (Glaucon and Adeimantus), and (4) that, after the dialogue about justice proceeds in the fashion that we expect of Socrates, things take an unexpected turn: One of the characters, the sophist Thrasymachus, begins to object that he knows quite well what justice is, and that the kinds of definitions the others have been giving are nonsense.

Thrasymachus says, "I declare justice is nothing but the advantage of the stronger" Republic 338c [W.H.D. Rouse translation, Great Dialogues of Plato, Mentor Books, 1956, p.137. The following two citations are Rouse's translation also]. Robbery and violence are normally called "injustice," but when they are practiced wholesale by rulers, they are justice, i.e. the interest of the stronger, the rulers. Thus, when we consider ordinary citizens, "the just man comes off worse than an unjust man everywhere" (343d). Since the rulers do not obey the principles they impose on the citizens, they are in those terms "unjust." So Thrasymachus says, "You will understand it most easily, if you come to the most perfect injustice, which makes the unjust man most happy, and makes those who are wronged and will not be unjust most miserable" (344a).

...Tyranny is not a matter of minor theft and violence, but of wholesale plunder, sacred and profane, private or public. If you are caught committing such crimes in detail you are punished and disgraced; sacrilege, kidnapping, burglary, fraud, theft are the names we give to such petty forms of wrongdoing. But when a man succeeds in robbing the whole body of citizens and reducing them to slavery, they forget these ugly names and call him happy and fortunate, as do all others who hear of his unmitigated wrongdoing. [Republic 344a-c, H.D.P. Lee translation, Penguin Books, 1955, p.73.]

Thus to Thrasymachus the tyrant is happy and fortunate, and he is so precisely because he breaks the rules ("justice") that he imposes on the weak. What the weak call "justice" is really slavery, and no one truly strong would act that way. Such sentiments are familiar in modern philosophy from the still popular and influential German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900).

In Book I Socrates proceeds to refute Thrasymachus and does so. If the weak, after all, can prevent the strong from taking what they want or can prevent someone from becoming a tyrant, then they are the strong! Thrasymachus is finally quieted. At the beginning of Book II however, Socrates is told by Glaucon and the others that this was all too easy. They argue that anyone would be unjust, given the opportunity, just as Gyges seduced and murdered his way to the throne of Lydia, once he had found a ring that made him invisible, because everyone believes that injustice leads to happiness, if only one can get away with it. They want Socrates to prove that it is better to be just than to be unjust even if the unjust man is praised, celebrated, and rewarded and the just man is reviled, punished, and rejected. Socrates must prove that such a just man is actually happy and such an unjust man (a tyrant perhaps) is unhappy.

The rest of the Republic answers this challenge. It does so by way of an analogy. Socrates says that it is difficult to distinguish what is going on in the soul, but it is easier to see what is going on in the state. Thus the state will be examined by analogy to the soul. Now we would say that the state is the macrocosm (makros, "large," kosmos, "universe"), the large scale analogue, and the soul is the microcosm (mikros, "small"), the small scale analogue. When matters are sorted out for the state, then the soul can be understood in its own right.

As it happens, Plato ends up using the theory of the soul that he also proposes in the Phaedrus. The soul, on this view, has three parts, which correspond to three different kinds of interests, three kinds of virtues, three kinds of personalities --
SOUL INTEREST CLASS VIRTUE
reason knowledge philosophers wisdom justice
spirit honor warriors courage
desire pleasures commoners temperance
depending on which part of the soul is dominant -- and so, properly, to three kinds of social classes that should be based on the three personalities, interests, and virtues.

"Spirit" is in the sense of a "spirited" horse. Plato thinks that this is the energy that drives the soul and may be used to reason to keep desire in line. Temperance, or moderation, will mean the limitation of desires. The word "temperance" is now a little archaic, and it tends to suggest "temperance" as it came to mean abstention from alcohol, as was advocated in the early days of this century by Cary Nation and the Women's Christian Temperance Union, who brought about Prohibition. The three parts of the soul also correspond to places in the body: reason to the head, spirit to the heart, and desire to the organs of desire, mostly in the abdomen. Plato simply made a good guess that reason had something to do with the brain. There wasn't a lot of evidence about this; and many people, including the Egyptians and Aristotle, thought that intelligence was centered in the heart. When the Egyptians mummified bodies, they actually used to throw the brain away, while the heart was carefully prepared and replaced in the body. Remember later in the course to compare Plato's parts of the soul and social classes with the doctrine of the gunas and the varnas later in Indian philosophy.

Now, Plato was originally looking for justice, but justice does not appear in the list of virtues. The answer is that justice applies to them all in the sense of their organization. Reason (and the philosophers) should be in control, with the help of spirit (and the warriors). The philosophers and the warriors are thus the "Guardians" of Plato's ideal state. This does not seem like a familiar sort of definition for justice, but the result, Plato says, is that each interest is satisfied to the proper extent, or, in society, everyone has what is theirs. The philosophers have the knowledge they want; the warriors have the honors they want; and the commoners have the goods and pleasures they want, in the proper moderation maintained by the philosophers and warriors. The root of all trouble, as far as Plato is concerned, is always unlimited desire.

John E.E.D. Acton, or Lord Acton (1834-1902) famously said, "Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely." Even Plato was aware of this and that commoners might be envious of the power of the Guardians, desiring it for themselves so as to obtain greater goods and pleasures. Thus Plato proposes a set of rules for his Guardians that would render their position undesirable to the commoners:

The Guardians must live in poverty, with any possessions they do have held in common. The very things, then, that mean the most to the commoners will be denied to the rulers. Historically, the precedent for something like this was Sparta, though the Spartans didn't go quite this far. This does seems to be the first serious proposal in political history for something like complete communism, though it does only apply to the Guardians. It doesn't seem like a bad idea even today to apply to politicians.

When I used to live in Honolulu, occasionally I liked to visit the State Legislature when it was in session. The Hawaii State Capitol is unique, with an open central courtyard instead of the traditional dome and rotunda. On each side of the courtyard, you can look through windows down into sunken chambers for the two houses of the legislature. When the legislature is in session, you can enter a visitors balcony through doors in the windows. You sit in the balcony, however, on hard wooden benches, like church pews, while the legislators below sit on huge, stuffed, reclining, leather chairs that look good enough to sleep in -- and you will often see the lawmakers, indeed, sleeping in them. This has always struck me as just the opposite of what Plato would have required. It is the visitors, the commoners, who should have the comfort and the "servants of the people," the politicians who should have the Spartan conditions.

The Guardians will even have their families in common. Children will be raised in common and will not know who their real parents are. These children will also not be randomly conceived. They will be bred deliberately to produce the best offspring, as though the Guardians were a pack of hunting dogs. Even Plato realizes that such cold blooded match making might be too much for the Guardians, so he proposes that the process be kept secret from most of them. Every year, after the breeding committee, or whatever, secretly makes its choices, there is to be a kind of fertility festival. Everyone chooses names by lot, and the name they draw, or no name, is the choice of the gods for them. This is the kind of thing that Plato calls a "noble lie"; for the lottery is to be rigged by the breeding committee. Everyone will actually draw the name designated for them; and those who draw a blank were simply thought undesirable for offspring. The idea that people should be bred just like animals is usually called "eugenics" (eu, "well," and gignomai, "come into being" or "born") and was popular early in this century; but the only regime that has tried to formally implement eugenics was Nazi Germany. So it is not surprising that Plato thought this should all be kept secret.

After two fairly disturbing proposals, Plato gets to one that is more congenial. At the beginning of Book V Adeimantus brings to Socrates's attention his casual remark that wives and children will be held in common by the Guardians, which makes it seem as though women are going to be Guardians along with the men. Socrates says that he hesitated to make an issue out of it, but that, yes, there will be women Guardians. Women have all the same parts of the soul and so all the same interests, virtues, and personality types as men. Since children will be raised in common, individual women will not be burdened with the task of child rearing and will be free to take their places in their proper occupations along with the men. If the warrior women are not as strong as the men, then they may not be at the forefront of the battle, but they should be at the battle. This equality even extends to athletics, which is somewhat shocking, since Greek athletes went naked. Words like "gymnasium" and "gymnastics" both derive from gymnos "naked." The Greeks rather prided themselves on not thinking that it was shameful or ridiculous to go naked, as all the "barbarians," their neighbors, thought. But Socrates says that nothing is ridiculous except what is wrong, and that in time people would get used to naked women athletes just as at one time they got used to naked men. This all, of course, has not come entirely true, since no athletes go naked today. But the male and female nude torso statues that were installed in front of the L.A. Colosseum at the time of the 1984 Olympic Games do reflect Plato's version of the Greek ideal of physical beauty.

With these views about nudity, the Greeks were all the more impressed with India when Alexander the Great arrived there and found naked holy men. These were Jain monks, and others, who had renounced the world even to the extent of renouncing clothing also. The Greeks called them the gymnosophistai "naked philosophers"; and Greek philosophers like Pyrrho of Elis, who was with Alexander's army, reportedly spent a great deal of time talking with them. Pyrrho, at least, seems to have actually picked up some ideas from Indian philosophy thereby. Naked monks still exist in India. They are called digambara or "sky-clad," since the sky is their only covering.

The last rule is not just for the Guardians. Plato realizes that even with his breeding program, there will be children born to the Guardians who do not belong there. That is especially likely when we realize that it is not intelligence that distinguishes Plato's philosophers but the dominance of a particular kind of interest. Anyone dominated by desire, however intelligent, belongs among the commoners. There will also be children born to the commoners who belong among the Guardians, and so there must be some way to sort everyone out. That will be a universal system of education. A very large part of the Republic is about education. Those who go all the way in that system and will be qualified to be the philosopher rulers will actually be nearly fifty before they have finished all the requirements.

Of all the serious criticisms that can be made against Plato's ideal state, I think that a couple of the most telling are that his theory involves two serious internal contradictions:

That, although Plato, like Socrates, had always defined philosophers as those who know they are ignorant, he always talks about the philosopher Guardians as though they will actually be wise. But if a philosopher is not wise, then he may not make any better a ruler than someone who is virtuous because of correct belief (as described at the end of the Meno). Plato's theory, therefore, really depends on philosophy actually be able to produce wise people. In two thousand years, that has clearly not happened. It is fairly obvious that philosophy professors are, on the whole, no wiser as persons than anyone else; and in academic philosophy departments most professors are not even trying to pursue wisdom in any ordinary meaning of the word.

That, although Plato defines the soul as consisting of three parts for everyone, he really talks about each of his social classes as though they only had one part of the soul, the dominant part. Thus, he can contemplate the Guardians living in poverty because he disregards the fact that philosophers and warriors will have desires and so are not likely to be happy in circumstances that deny the existence of desire. Plato's life for the Guardians violates human nature, not just as any reasonable person would see it, but as Plato defines human nature himself. It is easy to see how Plato could have stumbled into this mistake by the nature of his analogy between soul and state: the soul has three simple parts, but the state has three parts that consists of things that each have three parts. Some people, like Leo Strauss, have consequently argued that Plato's theory of the state is not meant to be taken seriously and is only a device of argumentation. Possibly, but the Republic sounds pretty serious -- and the Laws even more so.

Taking Plato's theory at face value, however, does not answer the whole challenge originally posed by Thrasymachus. This might give us a definition of justice, after a fashion, but it does not show why it is better to be just or why the just person is happier. Plato does that in Book VIII of the Republic by examining "imperfect" states. He imagines what would happen if his ideal state decays.

The ideal state itself Plato calls an "aristocracy" (aristos, "best," and krateîn, "to rule"), the rule of the best. The principle of this state is the reason of the philosophers. The danger he sees to this state is that Guardian parents might not wish to give up children who do not belong among them. If they do not give up the children to become commoners, then some other interest will come to operate among the philosophers. They will cease to be philosophers and so will not be respected by the warriors or commoners.

The warriors will take over. They have the monopoly of force anyway, so they decide to use it. The kind of state they will establish Plato's calls a "timocracy" (timê, "honor"), the rule of honor. The principle of this state is the spirit of the warriors. We may say that this kind of state has actually existed, not only with Sparta in Plato's day but in mediaeval Europe or Japan, or among the Kshatriya caste in India, with the kind of feudal military society that they all had. European or Japanese nobility felt themselves superior to the desire for wealth (although they didn't always live in poverty) and tended to fight each other over issues of honor. This kind of state will decay, however, when the children of the warriors fall to the temptation to use their military power to obtain wealth.

The rulers thus become the rich. Plato calls this an "oligarchy" (oligos, "few," and archê, "beginning," "power" "sovereignty"), the rule of the few. A more appropriate term, however, might be one that we use, "plutocracy" (ploutôn, "wealth," and so the god of the underworld, Pluto), the rule of wealth. The principle of this state is the desire of the rich; but it is still a very disciplined desire, for no one can become or stay rich if they simply indulge themselves in pleasure and spending. We can certainly say that there have been such states. Commercial republics like Venice, Genoa, and the Netherlands come to mind. The limitation of desire is also evident in many of the so-called "robber baron" industrialists of American history. Someone like John D. Rockefeller (1839-1937), the often reviled founder of Standard Oil, lived simply and almost ascetically. By the time he died he had actually given away about $550,000,000 ($8.25 billion in 1995 dollars), more money than any American had actually possessed before him. The plutocratic kind of state will decay when the children of the rich decide simply to enjoy themselves and dissipate their wealth, or when the poor decide to take advantage of their numbers by overthrowing the rich.

The result is a "democracy" (dêmokratia; dêmos, "people"), the rule of the people. Plato pays grudging respect to democracy as the "fairest" (kallistê, "most beautiful") of constitutions. The principle of this state is the desire of the many. This is "democratic" in the sense that all desires are equally good, which means anything goes. Because the desires and possessions of some inevitably interfere with the desires and acquisitiveness of others, Plato thinks that democracies will become increasing undisciplined and chaotic. In the end, people will want someone to institute law and order and quiet things down. Giving sufficient power to someone to do that leads to the next kind of state.

The tyrant succeeds in quieting things down. Then he establishes a new kind of government, a tyranny (tyrannis, "tyranny," from tyrannos, "tyrant"). The principle of this state is still desire, but now it is just the desire of the tyrant himself. Many have noted that nothing quite like this actually happened in Greek history. Tyrannies tended to precede, not follow, democracies. That is what happened at Athens. Consequently, a better case can be made that the whole pattern of "imperfect governments" was a device Plato used for argumentation. However, while the collapse of democracies into tyrannies did not occur in Greek history, it has ironically occurred several times in our own century. The precise process described by Plato occurred in Italy when Mussolini came to power and in Germany when Hitler came to power. It is now in danger of happening in Russia. The English historian Thomas Babington, better known as Lord Macaulay (1800-59), believed that democracy would survive only until people got the idea that they could vote themselves wealth (though this principle has been attributed to many others). Since that wealth must be taken from the people who create it, they are not going to like that, and the incentive for them to create it in the first place will be, to a greater or lesser extent, removed. [note]

Recent economists in the area of Public Choice theory [e.g. James M. Buchanan and the Virginia School of Public Choice], have described how the politicization of economic goods inevitably creates increased public conflict as the sense grows that wealth is something to be seized and distributed through state action. As everyone comes to believe that their prosperity depends on political success and consequent government largess, such a dynamic will tend to destabilize democracy, since in politics there are always losers and they begin to think that they are victims of the regime and have no stake in it. Capitalism is often disparaged as a system with "winners and losers," but the losers in capitalism are just the unsuccessful businesses, while the winners do win by providing what is most agreeable to consumers. In politics, the "winners and losers" are both consumers, and the losers are those who are then legally robbed to pay off the winners, who have the power of the state to take what they want (if you rob Peter to pay Paul, you can at least get Paul to vote for you). One would think that the United States Constitution shuts off any drift towards a regime of seizure and redistribution because of the "Takings" clause of the Fifth Amendment: "Nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." The Takings clause, however, was an early casualty of enthusiasm over the New Deal and has steadily eroded ever since. It is only now that a movement has developed, and received some attention from the Supreme Court, to enforce it -- though the recent Kelo v. City of New London decision represents a setback.

For Plato's argument, the tyrannical state is the final refutation of Thrasymachus. It is clearly the most unhappy kind of state. Thrasymachus, of course, can argue that he doesn't care. It is Plato's analogy, not his. All that matters is whether the tyrant himself is happy or unhappy. Plato's answer to that is to identify the nature of the "tyrannical personality": since the tyrant is subject to completely unlimited desire, he can never be satisfied with anything he has. He will always want more. That is also the answer in a famous scene in the 1948 movie Key Largo, with Humphrey Bogart and Edward G. Robinson. Robinson is a gangster holding a hotel full of people, including Bogart, hostage. Bogart at one point asks him what he really wants out of all this. Robinson can't say, so Bogart, like Socrates, makes a suggestion: is it that what he really wants is just more? Robinson says, yes, yes, he wants more, more! That is the tyrannical personality.

In our century, it is not hard to find tyrannical personalities to fit Plato's description. Both Hitler and Mussolini were undone by their inability to be satisfied with their successes. When Hitler had conquered France, there was only one country left in the world at war with him, Britain. Stalin's Soviet Union was busy mollifying Hitler by supplying him anything he needed. If Hitler had been content to absorb his conquests and develop Germany's potential, there is no doubt that he would have been in little danger for some time to come. He destroyed himself because he just had to invade Russia. Similarly, Mussolini was cautious enough that Italy remained neutral when Britain and France declared war on Germany for invading Poland. He lost his caution when he saw France defeated and decided to jump on Hitler's bandwagon. It meant, literally, his death. Otherwise Mussolini might have ridden out the war and died peacefully in bed, like his colleague the dictator of Spain, Francisco Franco.

Franco, however, is one of the people who spoils Plato's argument. Hitler really wanted Franco in the war. And he knew that Franco, and Spaniards in generally, really wanted to recover Gibraltar, after over two hundred years, from Britain. [Gibraltar was captured by Britain in 1704 during the War of the Spanish Succession and ceded to Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 -- one of the British admirals leading the capture had the extraordinary name of "Clowdisley Shovell."] Since Gibraltar was a thorn in the side of German and Italian operations in the Mediterranean, Hitler told Franco that if Spain entered the war, German troops would take Gibraltar and then give it to Spain. It was the kind of offer Franco couldn't refuse, but he did. Franco knew how to limit his desire, but that didn't prevent him from being a serious tyrant -- and now we know that Hitler's own envoy to Franco, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was actually advising him against accepting Hilter's offer! [Eventually, in 1944, Hiltler learned that Canaris had been working against him and had him executed.] Worse is the case of Josef Stalin, who had an uncanny ability to bide his time and to take advantage of every opportunity. To the embarrassment of Western leftists, World War II itself began with Hitler and Stalin actually partitioning Poland between them. When Stalin subsequently invaded Finland, there was a moment when it looked like the Soviet Union might join Germany as the common totalitarian enemy of the Western democracies. When Stalin became an ally of the West instead (when Hitler invaded Russia), he could cash in his position with a post-war empire than would have been the envy of the Tsars. Poor Poland, whose fate called Britain and France to war in 1939, and whose exiled citizens fought bravely in many of the major actions of World War II, including many Polish pilots in the Royal Air Force during the Battle of Britain, was at Yalta left to Stalin without argument by Franklin Roosevelt and remained a vassal state of the Soviet Union until 1989.

Although Plato didn't know about such a variety of tyrannical personalities, he seems to have felt that his ultimate argument about the unhappiness of the tyrant was not strong enough. To seal the argument, he ended the Republic with a myth: the Myth of Er. Er was supposed to have been a soldier who was struck down and left for dead in a battle. When the bodies were collected after ten days for burning, Er revived and said that he had seen the reward of the good and the punishment of the wicked in the hereafter. After the judgment of the gods, the souls of the dead went to a place of reward in heaven or a place of punishment in the underworld. Since Plato believed in reincarnation there were no eternal rewards or punishments -- except for an evil few who were not allowed out of Hades. All the others had to face the prospect of their next life, and they were given the opportunity to choose the character of their next life from a variety of alternatives.

The Republic thus ends rather lamely with the argument that we better be good or the gods will punish us. We hardly needed to go through the whole book just to be told that. But in the midst of this there comes a very striking moment. Er describes the souls choosing their next life. The first one he sees doing this chooses badly -- the life of a tyrant who is fated "to eat his children and suffer other horrors" [Republic 619b-c, Rouse p.420]. Plato's comment about this reveals an important principle of his thought: This was a person who had lived a good life and had just returned from a reward for it in heaven. But, says Plato, he had "some share of virtue which came by habit without philosophy." That is how Rouse puts it, p.420. Lee's translation is, "having owed his goodness to habit and custom and not to knowledge," p.399. The terms in Greek are aretê, "virtue"; ethos, "custom," "habit" (only one word in Greek); and philosophia. So Rouse's translation is more literal.

This was a prescient critique of Plato's own student Aristotle, who later believed that virtue actually was a matter of habit and that the good had no independent nature to know, as Socrates and Plato had thought. Plato, of course, can allow for Aristotle's kind of virtue, but he regards it, as at the end of the Meno, as a matter of correct opinion only, not knowledge. The shortcoming of that kind of virtue is that, being habitual, it is effective only in habitual circumstances. In unfamiliar circumstances, where novel cases of good and evil must be recognized, the person does not possess the knowledge that would make that recognition possible. Socrates had asked Eurthyphro for a definition of piety so that he would "look upon it" and "use it as a model" (Euthyphro 6d) to recognize novel cases of piety and impiety. The soul that picks the terrible life of a tyrant obviously has no model and doesn't know what it is doing. This is why Meno actually makes a good observation at Meno 97c, when he says, "he who has knowledge will always succeed, while he who has right opinion will sometimes succeed, sometimes not." Although Socrates oddly disagrees with this, the point is to be well taken that right opinion will only work for a limited sphere of possibilities, the familiar ones, while knowledge will always work.

In the end, probably the most enduring image of the entire Republic, as an expression of Plato's view of life and the world, is the Allegory (or Simile) of the Cave. This occurs in Book VII (at 514), following his discussion of the Divided Line (in Book VI), which illustrated the levels of knowledge and reality in the discussion of the nature of philosophy and the good. (At right, the Divided Line is in black and the elements of the Allegory of the Cave are in red.) Plato says that we are all like prisoners chained up on the floor of a cave. We are so restricted that we can only look in one direction, and there we see shadows on the wall that seem to talk and move around. We and our fellow prisoners observe, discuss, and remember what these shadows do or say. But, what happens if we happen to be released from our chains? We stand up and look around, and we see a fire burning at the back of the cave. In front of the fire is a low wall, and on the wall puppets are manipulated, which cast the shadows that are all we have ever seen. So suddenly we realize that all the things we have ever known all our lives were not the true reality at all, but just shadows [skiai -- significantly the same word that occurs at the end of the Meno, when Plato says that the statesman who can teach his virtue and make another into a statesman will be like the only true reality compared with shadows (100a)]. But there is more. There is an exit from the cave, which leads up to the surface. There we are at first blinded, but then begin to see trees, animals, etc. which in the cave were only represented by puppets. Eventually we notice that all those things exist and are knowable because of the sun. Returning to the cave, we would at first be blinded by the darkness, and our fellow prisoners would have no idea what we were doing or saying -- they would probably regard us as insane -- but we could not, of course, take them seriously for an instant.

In modern terms, Plato's description of the cave bears an uncanny resemblance to a movie theater. There we do indeed sit in the dark with our fellow movie goers, not looking at them but at the screen. Instead of a fire and puppets, we have a projector light and film. Instead of shadows, we have focused images -- much more compelling than shadows, but something about whose possibility Plato did not have a clue. But what we see on the movie screen, in turn, usually bears no more resemblance to reality than what Plato expected from the shadows on the cave wall.

The freed prisoner is, of course, the philosopher. The cave itself represents the world of Becoming and its fire the physical sun in the sky. The world on the surface outside of the cave represents the world of Being, where the individual objects are the Forms. Two peculiarities of the Allegory of the Cave, however, are the status of the shadows, as opposed to the puppets, and the nature of the sun. If the puppets are the actual objects in the world of Becoming, then the shadows must be people's opinions. We do mostly go through life paying attention to people's opinions rather than to the things themselves, so that is suitable. Plato, of course, thinks that even the things themselves are like shadows of the Forms. The sun, in turn, is a unique kind of Form: the Form of the Good. This is a unique moment in Plato's writings, since he does not elsewhere single out any Form as different in kind from the others, and he does not elsewhere pay any sustained attention to the good as such. He has already said in the Republic (at 506) that he cannot really give a definition of the good. He will only give us an analogy, that the good is to knowledge and truth what the sun is to light and sight.

Then what gives the objects of knowledge their truth and the mind the power of knowing is the Form of the Good. It is the cause of knowledge and truth, and you will be right to think of it as being itself known, and yet as being something other than, and even higher than, knowledge and truth. And just as it was right to think of light and sight as being like the sun, but wrong to think of them as being the sun itself, so here again it is right to think of knowledge and truth as being like the Good, but wrong to think of either of them as being the Good, which must be given a still higher place of honor....

The Good therefore may be said to be the source not only of the intelligibility of the objects of knowledge, but also of their existence and reality; yet it is not itself identical with reality, but is beyond reality, and superior to it in dignity and power. [508e-509b, Lee translation, p.273.]

This is suggestive and intriguing, and Plato's own students wanted to hear more. Once Plato even promised to give a lecture on the good. But when the day came, all he did was do a geometry proof. So we are left at a kind of incomplete pinnacle of Plato's thought, with a sense of how important in reality the good is, but with mostly metaphorical statements about it. That was either the best Plato thought he could do or, like the Pythagoreans, he thought that his most serious views should not be spoken in public. Later the Neoplatonists would simply conclude that the Form of the Good was God, but there is no hint of that in Plato. He goes so far and then, like Parmenides, leaves us to continue the quest.

Plato's actual argument for why we should be just suffers from a fundamental misconception. He is always recommending justice from prudential considerations, i.e. we should be just because of our own best interest, either to be happy (the main argument) or to avoid the punishment of the gods (in the Myth of Er). If there is a difference between moral and merely prudent action, however, Plato has misdirected us. Instead, morality may require actions that are not in our self-interest. This is agreed upon by Immanuel Kant, Confucius, and even the Bhagavad Gita. Thus, Confucius holds that righteouness, , is to do what is right, regardless of the consequences. That is how Kant defined the "categorical imperative," the moral command (the imperative) that is to no ulterior purpose (i.e. it is categorical). Similarly, the Gita says, "Set thy heart upon thy work, but never on its reward. Work not for a reward; but never cease to do thy work" [2:47]. This might not satisfy Thrasymachus; but then, with someone of that sort, while we may argue the issues, the ultimate point is not alone to persuade him, but to stop him. That is the surest way to prevent the tyrant from being happy.

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Plato's Republic, Note
Machiavelli's View of Government

In his Discourses Upon the First Ten Books of Titus Livy, Niccolò Machiavelli, more famous for The Prince, describes the "various kinds of states" in a fashion similar, but in some important ways different, from Plato. Plato's description (at left) is really a thought experiment of how his ideal state, the Aristocracy of philosophers, would decay. His description is generational, that unworthy children fail to perpetuate the virtues of their parents. Thus, the Timarchy is produced by children who value themselves just for their honor and ability to use force, the Oligarchy is produced by children who decide to use their force to become wealthy, the Democracy is produced by children who think they have a right to that wealth just by being citizens, and the Tyranny is produced by children whose total lack of discipline and restraint produces a chaos that is only ended by one of their number seizing personal power. True to his generation, the tyrant uses his power to take whatever he wants. Plato's description is often psychologically true of many specific events and persons in history.

Machiavelli's description is also generational, but it also introduces another principle, and it results in a kind of conclusion foreign to Plato's thinking. The principle that Machiavelli introduces is simply that of a classification by the distribution to power, i.e. power is exercised by one, by a few, or by the many. This is a useful device, and is used here in the theory of Liberties in Three Dimensions. Thus, power exercised by one is a Monarchy, by a few, an Aristocarcy, and by the many, a Democracy. However, Machiavelli allows that there are good and bad versions of each of these, reserves these terms for the good forms, and introduces "Tyranny," "Oligarchy," and "Anarchy" for the bad versions of rule by one, the few, and the many, respectively. These terms are conveniently schematic and descriptive and ignore a utopian possibility like Plato's government of philosophers.

Upon the scheme, Machiavelli imposes his generational thought experiment, beginning with a "state of nature" origin for Monarchy of a sort that we still find later in Thomas Hobbes. The good monarch, however, is succeeded by corrupt rulers who begin to use their power for their own gain, becoming tyrants. The tyrant is then overthrown, and the rebels decide to retain power among themselves collectively, producing an Aristocracy. The aristocrats are succeeded by a generation that again begins to use its power to oppress the people, producing the Oligarchy, and so they end up getting overthrown like the tyrant. Now political power passes to the people, making for Democracy. Unlike Plato, Machiavelli, does not view democracy per se as worse than the other "good" forms of government. Indeed, Machiavelli includes a chapter in the Discourses (Book II Chapter LVIII) on how "The Multitude is Wiser and More Constant than a Prince." The propensity of Democracy to decay into Anarchy, which Machiavelli describes in much the same terms as Plato, is therefore no more a failing of Democracy than the similar propensities were of Monarchy and Aristocracy. The only difference might be in the next step: Plato sees a tyrant benefiting from the Anarchy produced by Democracy, while Machiavelli brings his thought experiment full circle by having Anarchy, which mimics the "state of nature," followed once again by Monarchy. As a matter of historical fact, we have no difficulty finding chaotic conditions that led to both tyrants (Hitler) and virtuous monarchs (Diocletian).

Machiavelli's thought experiment, like Plato's, would seem to be entirely pessimistic. Plato's only hope would be his government of philosophers where precautions are taken to prevent the principle of hereditary succession from beginning. Machiavelli also sees hereditary succession as a source of evil; but, as a realist and a historian, he does not imagine that it can be long prevented, especially when people are inherently bad. His solution for the corruption of the "good" governments must therefore come from a different direction.

His inspiration turns out to be a historical one, the Roman Republic, which, although followed by the Empire, nevertheless endured for several centuries and accomplished great things. The strength of the Republic, according to Machiavelli, depended on its combination of the devices of the "good" forms of government:

I say, therefore, that all these kinds of government are harmful in consequence of the short life of the three good ones and the viciousness of the three bad ones. Having noted these failings, prudent lawgivers rejected each of these forms individually and chose instead to combine them into one that would be firmer and more stable than any, since each form would serve as a check upon the others in a state having monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy at one and the same time. [The Prince by Nicollo Machiavelli, With selections from THE DISCOURSES, translated by Daniel Donno, Bantam, 1981, p. 94, boldface added]

The Roman Republic thus had monarchical authority in the Consuls, aristocratic authority in the Senate, and popular authority in the Tribunes. In Machiavelli's phrase, "...since each form would serve as a check upon the others," we see the introduction of the idea of checks and balances as means to prevent the corruption and oppression of government. If people cannot be good, then we must have a government where the interests and power of some work to secure the conscientiousness and honesty of others. This idea is later expanded by 17th and 18th century thinkers, until we have the great system of the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary, and the States and the Federal Governments, designed as checks upon each other in the United States Constitution. That this system has now failed to actually protect freedom and virtue is a consequence of historical circumstances, failure in the original design, and changing, fallacious, unsympathetic ideology. Nevertheless, it is clear that the principle is sound and is able to secure responsible government for extended periods. The fallacy in Plato is exposed: the problem is not who is in power, since none is wise.

Over time, of course, what we see is that the ingenuity of those in power never ceases to undermine the limitations of their power, and the cupidity of some citizens never tires in the hope of extracting the substance of their less politically powerful fellows. Our challenge, then, is simply to perfect the design and prepare the ground so that, when the next Franklin, Washington, and Jefferson come along, it may be put to the test -- hopefully to even more enduring results.

As it happens, Machiavelli was not the first to admire Roman government as succeeding through the sort of "mixed" constitution that had originally been described by Aristotle. Such a view of Rome began at least with the Greek historian Polybius (c.200-120 BC), who saw the Roman Republic in one of its more successful periods (as a hostage from the Achaean League), before civil wars began to unhinge its institutions.

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Plato's Republic, Note
The Ring of Gyges and Hollow Man

The "Ring of Gyges," which confers invisibility, is used in Plato's Republic as a thought experiment to argue that a person with such a ring, whether previously just or unjust, would use it to commit as many crimes as necessary to get what they want [Book II, 359d]. Plato does not agree with this. The argument of the rest of the Republic, consequently, is that the just man would not be tempted by invisibility to commit crimes, because he would know that crime itself makes one unhappy and that he is better off to remain just.

The issue of the ring has recently emerged in popular culture, with the Paul Verhoeven movie Hollow Man [Columbia Pictures, 2000]. In publicity and documentary interviews, Verhoeven explicitly invokes Plato to explain the theme of the movie. However, the moral of the film appears to be quite the opposite of what Plato intended. When actor Kevin Bacon becomes invisible, he very soon begins committing rape and murder. It may be that this was the result of flaws in his character, but such a question is unanswered by the story, since there is no comparison with anyone who resists the temptations of the power conferred by invisibility. One is left to suppose that anyone would act this way, and Verhoeven appears to see that as, indeed, the point. We would not know from Verhoeven's statements that Plato had something different in mind.

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